jeudi 16 décembre 2010

What Sarkozy doesn't want the French people to know




Tired of the lengthy presidencies of François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac, the French elected Nicolas Sarkozy, counting on his energy to revitalize their country. They were hoping for a break from years of stagnation and outdated ideas. What they got instead was a break with the very principles which founded the French nation. And many were angered by this hyper-president, bent on reforming everything as quickly as possible, choosing ministers from the socialist party as well as his own, and creating a total confusion.
By offering them the spectacle of his private life and posing in People’s magazines, Sarkozy tricked the French people, and was able to make them forget his political background. He also hid his real political ties from electors who believed, wrongly, they were voting for a president who was his own man, and not a stooge of George Bush like Blair was.
To understand how a man whom people agree today was as a supporter of American and Israel policies was able to become the head of the Gaullist party (now the UMP) and the president of the French Republic, we must go back in time, and make a long detour during which we will present the protagonists who are today attempting to get their own back.
At the end of Second World War, the United States secret services relied on the Mafia boss, Lucky Luciano, to control the security of American ports while preparing their invasion of Sicily. Luciano was at the time being held in a New York luxury prison. But his men cooperated with the US intelligence services run by Frank Wisner, Sr. Later, when the “godfather” was liberated and chose to return to Italy, the CIA operated through his Corsican equivalent, Étienne Léandri.
In 1958, worried about a possible victory of the FLN in Algeria which could open the way to Soviet influence in Northern Africa, the United States decided to provoke a military coup d’état in France. The operation was jointly organized by the CIA’s Direction of Planning – theoretically lead by Frank Wisner, Sr. – and by NATO. But Wisner had already become too old by that time, and it was his successor, Allan Dulles who supervised the operation. French generals in Algeria organized a Public Salvation Committee which pressured the Parisian civilian authorities to vote full powers to General de Gaulle without the need to use force.
et, Charles de Gaulle wasn’t the pawn the Anglo-Saxons believed they could manipulate. In a first phase, he attempted to deal with the colonial problem by granting to the overseas territories a large autonomy within the French Union. But it was already too late to save the French empire. The North African colonies didn’t believe any longer in French promises and demanded their independence. After a victorious but fierce repression against those fighting for independence, de Gaulle decided to face reality. And in a rare show of political wisdom he granted independence to each colony.
This about turn was perceived by most of those who had brought de Gaulle to power as a betrayal. The CIA and NATO then supported all kinds of plots to eliminate him, among which a failed attempt to murder him. However, certain of his followers approved of his political action. Led by Charles Pasqua, they created the SAC (Civic action services), a militia to protect the general.
Pasqua was both a Corsican bandit and a former resistant. He married the daughter of a Canadian bootlegger who had made a fortune during the prohibition. And he directed the Ricard company which after commercialising absinthe, a forbidden alcohol, won respectability by converting to the sales of another alcohol based on an anise flavoured liqueur, Pastis). The company continued however to serve as a cover for all sorts of traffics connected to the New York Italian American Mafia families. It is therefore not surprising that Pasqua called on Étienne Léandri (Lucky Luciano’s henchman) to recruit the men that constituted the Gaullist militia. A third man played an important role in the formation of the SAC, de Gaulle’s former body guard, Achille Peretti, another Corsican.
Thus protected, de Gaulle designed an audacious national independence policy. Even though asserting France’s affiliation to the Atlantic alliance, he questioned the Anglo-Saxon leadership. He opposed the entry of the United Kingdom into the European common market (1961 and 1967); refused the deployment of UN forces in the Congo (1961); encouraged the Latin American states to become free of US imperialism (Mexico speech, 1964); kicked NATO out France and withdrew from the Atlantic Alliance’s integrated command (1966). He also condemned Israeli expansionism during the Six Day war (1967) and supported independence for Quebec (Montreal 1967 speech).
Simultaneously, de Gaulle consolidated the French international status by endowing his country with a military industrial complex including a nuclear deterrent and guaranteeing its energy provisions. He conveniently ousted the encumbering Corsicans in his entourage by entrusting them with foreign missions. Thus, Étienne Léandri became a leader of the ELF group (today Total), while Charles Pasqua was given the job of dealing with the French speaking heads of State in Africa.
Conscious that he couldn’t defy the Anglo-Saxons on all fronts at the same time, De Gaulle allied himself to the Rothschild family, choosing as Prime Minister, Georges Pompidou, who was a high ranking employee of the Rothschild bank. The two men constituted an efficient tandem, the political audacity of the former never losing sight of the economic realism of the latter.
When De Gaulle resigned in 1969, Georges Pompidou succeeded him briefly as president before dying of cancer. The historical Gaullists didn’t support his leadership, however, and were worried about his anglophile tendency. They howled treason when Pompidou, supported by the General Secretary of the Élysée, Edouard Balladur, had the United Kingdom join the European Common Market.
Having described the background, we can now return to our main character, Nicolas Sarkozy. Born in 1955, he was the son of a Hungarian catholic nobleman, Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bosca, who sought refuge in France after fleeing the Red Army, and Andree Mallah, a Greek Jewish commoner. After having three children (Guillaume, Nicolas and François), the couple divorced. Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bocsa then married an aristocrat, Christine de Ganay, with whom he had two children (Pierre Olivier and Caroline). Nicolas was therefore raised by both his mother and his stepmother.
Sarkozy’s mother became the secretary of De Gaulle’s bodyguard, Achille Peretti. The latter, after founding the SAC, pursued a brilliant political career. He was elected Deputy and Mayor of Neuilly sur Seine, the richest residential suburb of the capital, and later President of the National Assembly.
 Unfortunately, in 1972, Achille Peretti faced grave accusations. In the United States, Time Magazine revealed the existence of a secret criminal organization « the Corsican Union » which controlled a large part of the drug trade between Europe and America, the now famous « French Connection » popularised by Hollywood.
Based on parliamentary auditions and on his own investigations, Time named the name of a Mafia boss, Jean Venturi, arrested a few years earlier in Canada, who was none other than Charles Pasqua’s commercial delegate at the Pastis society Ricard. The names of several families headed by the “Corsican Union” were cited, among whom was that of Peretti. The latter denied all charges, but was forced to renounce the presidency of the National Assembly. It is said he attempted to commit suicide.
In 1977, Pal Sarkösy of Nagy-Bocsa separated from his second wife, Christine de Ganay, who then gets together with the N°2 of the US State Department central administration. She marries him and settles in America, her husband being none other than Frank Wisner, Jr.. The son the former CIA chief’s responsibilities at Langley are unknown, but it is clear that he played an important role. Nicolas, who remained close to his step mother, his half brother and his half sister, turned towards the United States, where he benefited from State Department training programs.
During that same period, Nicolas Sarkozy adhered to the Gaullist party coming into frequent contact with Charles Pasqua, who wasn’t only a national leader at the time, but also the head of the party’s Haut de Seine department section.
Having finished Law School in 1982 and become an advocate, Nicolas Sarkozy married Achille Peretti’s niece. His best man was Charles Pasqua. As a lawyer, Sarkozy defended the interests of his mentor’s Corsican friends. He also bought a property on Corsica, in Vico.
The next year, he was elected Mayor of Neuilly sur Seine after his uncle in law, Achille Peretti, was struck down by a heart attack. However, it wasn’t long before Sarkozy betrayed his wife, and after 1984 had a secret liaison with Cecilia, the wife of a television personality, Jacques Martin, whom he had met while celebrating their marriage, a function he exerted as mayor of Neuilly. That double life lasted five years, before the lovers decided to quit their respective couples in order to build a new home.
In 1992, Nicolas was best man in the marriage of Jacques Chirac’s daughter, Claude, with an editorialist of Le Figaro newspaper. He couldn’t refrain from seducing Claude and having a short liaison with her, while officially living with Cecilia. The cuckolded husband committed suicide by absorbing drugs. The break was brutal and encouraged animosity between the Chirac family and Nicolas Sarkozy.
In 1993, the Socialists lost the legislative elections. President François Mitterrand refused to resign and entered into cohabitation with a right wing Prime Minister, Jacques Chirac. The latter was himself ambitious to become president, and thought at that point of constituting, with Edouard Balladur a couple comparable to that of De Gaulle and Pompidou. He resigned as Prime minister and left his post to his “30 year long friend”, Edouard Balladur.
In spite of his sulphurous past, Charles Pasqua became Interior Minister. While keeping a grip on the Moroccan marijuana trade, he took advantage of his situation to legalize his other activities taking control of casinos, gambling and horse races in French speaking Africa. He wove ties with Saudi Arabia and Israel, and became an officer of honour to the Mossad.
Nicolas Sarkozy became minister of Budget and spokesman for the same government.
In Washington, Frank Wisner, Jr. was the successor of Paul Wolfowitz as head of political planning at the Defense Department. Nobody noticed at that time the ties that linked him to the French government’s spokesman, Nicolas Sarkozy.
It is then that tensions similar to those which rocked the Gaullist party thirty years earlier, broke out between the historical Gaullists and the financial right wing, represented by Balladur. The new element was that Charles Pasqua, and the young Nicolas Sarkozy betrayed Jacques Chirac in order to join the Rothschild clique. Mayhem broke out. The conflict reached a climax in 1995 when Edouard Balladur ran for president, against his former friend, Jacques Chirac, and was beaten. Then, following instructions from London and Washington, the Balladur government opened negotiations for membership of the European Union and NATO of several states of Central and Eastern Europe which had been freed from Soviet control.
Havoc then reigned in the Gaullist party where yesterday’s friends were ready to cut each other’s throats. To be able to finance his electoral campaign, Edouard Balladur attempted to grab the secret slush fund of the Gaullist party, hidden in the accounts of the oil group ELF. (We now have the Karachi scandal)
Throughout his first mandate, Jacques Chirac kept Nicolas Sarkozy at arms length. The man was discrete during his period on the sidelines. Surreptitiously, however, he continued to form ties within the financial circles.
In 1996, Sarkozy finally succeeded in bringing to a conclusion a divorce procedure, and married Cecilia. Two billionaires, Martin Bouygues and Bernard Arnaud (the richest man in France) were his best men.
Long before the Iraqi crisis, Frank Wisner Jr. and his colleagues at the CIA had planned the downfall of the Gaullist leadership and the coming to power of Nicolas Sarkozy. They moved in three phases: first, the elimination of the party leaders and the taking over of the party apparatus. Then the elimination of the main right wing rival (Dominique de Villepin) and the securing the nomination to the presidential election for the UMP. Finally, there was the elimination of any serious challenger on the left (such as Dominique Strauss-Kahn) to make sure that Sarkozy would win the presidential election.
For years, posthumous revelations by a real estate dealer kept the media on their toes. Before dying of a so called terminal disease, he decided to video tape his confessions, and for reasons which are even more obscure the “cassette” ended up in the hands of a Socialist party leader, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, who handed it indirectly to the media.
While the confessions of the real estate dealer didn’t lead to any juridical procedures, they opened up a Pandora’s Box. The main victim of the series of scandals was Prime Minister Alain Juppé. To protect Chirac, he assumed alone all the penal sanctions. The removal of Juppé from the front lodges opened the way for the take over by Sarkozy of the leadership of the UMP.
Sarkozy then exploited his position to force Jacques Chirac to take him into the government once again, in spite of their reciprocal hatred. In the end, he became Interior Minister. Dangerous mistake! This post gave him control over the regional prefects and the internal intelligence apparatus, which he used to gain positions of power over the large administrations.
He dealt also with Corsican affairs. Prefect Claude Érignac was assassinated. Even though nobody claimed it, the murder was immediately interpreted as a challenge by the Corsican independentists. Following a long hunt, the police managed to arrest a fleeing suspect, Yvan Colonna, son of a Socialist deputy. Caring little about the presumption of innocence, Nicolas Sarkozy announced the arrest, accused the suspect of being the assassin. This news was essential, being a mere two days away from the referendum the minister had organized in Corsica to modify the status of the island. Nevertheless, the electors rejected the Sarkozy project, which according to some favoured Mafia interests. While Yvan Colonna was ultimately declared guilty, he still claims his innocence, and no material proof was ever found against him. Strangely enough, the man preferred to remain totally silent rather than reveal what he actually knew.
We reveal here that the Corsican Prefect Érignac was not assassinated by the nationalists, but by a hired killer, who was immediately exiled to Angola where he was hired by the security staff of the Elf group. The mobile for the crime was connected to Erignac’s previous functions, that is to say the responsibility for the African networks at Pasqua’s African cooperation ministry (the Angola arms deals affair). As for Yvan Colonna, he was a long time acquaintance of Sarkozy, whose son Jean used to play football with him (reported by Liberation.fr.)
A new scandal then broke out. Phoney computer listings were circulating falsely accusing several personalities of hiding bank accounts in Luxembourg, with Clearstream Banking SA. Among the defamed personalities was Nicolas Sarkozy, who filed a lawsuit insinuating that he suspected his right wing rival to the presidency, Dominique de Villepin, to have organized this plot. Sarkozy didn’t hide his intention to have the latter thrown in jail. In reality, the false listings were put in circulation by members of the French American Foundation, of which John Negroponte was the president, and Frank Wisner Jr, the administrator. What the judges ignored was that the listings were fabricated in London by a common office of the CIA and of MI6, Hakluyt and co, of which Frank Wisner is also an administrator.
De Villepin denied the accusations, but was indicted and, de facto, eliminated from political life temporarily. The way was free for the dominance of Sarkozy’s right wing government. It remained for the opposition candidacies to be neutralized. The membership fees to the Socialist party were reduced to a symbolic level in order to attract new activists. Suddenly, thousands of youths took membership cards. Among them, there were at least 10 000 new members who are in reality militants of the “Lambertist” Trotskyite party, (named after its founder Pierre Lambert). This small extreme left wing group historically served the CIA against the Stalinist communists during the cold war (it is the equivalent of the Social Democrats/USA of Max Schatchman, who trained the US Neo-Conservatives). It wasn’t the first time the “Lambertists” had infiltrated the Socialist party. They introduced there two notorious CIA stooges : Lionel Jospin (who became Prime minister) and Jean Christophe Cambadelis, the main advisor to Dominique Strauss Kahn.
Primaries were organized inside the Socialist party to designate its candidate to the presidential election. Two personalities were competing: Laurent Fabius and Ségolène Royal. Only the first was a danger for Sarkozy. Dominique Strauss Kahn came into the race with the mission to eliminate Fabius at the last moment. Something he did with the help of the votes of the infiltrated “lambertists”, who had voted not for him but for Royal.
Strauss Kahn has for a long time been on the pay roll of the United States. French people ignore that he taught at Stanford, where he was hired by the University provost, Condoleeza Rice. At the beginning of his term as president, Nicolas Sarkozy, together with Condoleeza Rice thanked Strauss Kahn by having him elected to the leadership of the International Monetary fund.
The evening of the second round of the presidential election, when polling agencies announced his probable victory, Nicolas Sarkozy gave a short speech to the nation from his general campaign headquarters. Then, contrary to customary procedure, he didn’t celebrate with the militants of his party, but went to the Fouquet’s. The famous brasserie in the Champs-Élysées, formerly the rendez-vous place of the “Corsican union” is today the property of Casino magnate, Dominique Desseigne. It was lent to the elected president to receive his friends and main campaign donors. Some hundred guests crowded there, the richest men of France hobnobbing with the casino bosses.
The elected president then offered himself some days of well merited rest. Transported to Malta by a private Falcon 900, he relaxed on the Paloma, a 65 metre yacht of his friend Vincent Bollore, a billionaire trained at the Rothschild bank.
 Finally, Nicolas Sarkozy was inaugurated president of the French Republic. His first act wasn’t an amnesty for his enemies, but to authorize the casinos of his friends Desseigne and Partouche to multiply the money machines.
He composed his working team and his government. Unsurprisingly, he invited an ominous casino owner to be the minister of Youth and Sports, the former rugby trainer Bernard Laporte. And the lobbyist of the casinos of his friend Desseigne eventually became a UMP spokesman.
Nicolas Sarkozy relies above all on 4 men.
1-Claude Guéant, secretary general of the Elysée Palace, Charles Pasqua’s former right hand man.
2-François Pérol, under-secretary general of the Elysée, an associate manager of the Rothschild bank.
3-Jean-David Lévitte, diplomatic advisor. Son of the former director of the Jewish Agency. French ambassador to the UN, he was removed by Chirac who judged him too close to George Bush.
4-Alain Bauer, a shadowy figure, whose name doesn’t appear in the directories. He is in charge of the secret services. Former Grand Master of the French Great Orient (the most important Masonic organization in France) and former N°2 of the United States National Security Agency in Europe.
Frank Wisner Jr. who in the meantime was named “special envoy” to President Bush for the independence of Kosovo, insisted that Bernard Kouchner be named minister of Foreign affairs with a double mission priority: the independence of Kosovo and putting an end to France’s pro Arab policy.
Kouchner started his career by participating in the creation of a humanitarian NGO, Medecins sans frontières. Thanks to financial support from the National Endowment for Democracy, he took part in the operations of Zbigniew Brzezinski in Afghanistan against the USSR, alongside Oussama Ben Laden and the Karzai brothers. One finds him again in the 90’s working with Alija Izetbegovic in Bosnia Herzegovina. From 1999 to 2001 he was high representatives of the UN to Kosovo.
Under the rule of the youngest brother of president Hamid Karzaï, Afghanistan became the world’s largest producer of opium poppies transformed into heroin locally, and transported by the US Air force to Camp Bondsteed (Kosovo). There, Hashim Thaçi's men took charge of the drug and distributed it mainly in Europe and also in the United States. The benefits were used to finance the illegal operations of the CIA. Karzai and Thaçi (Kosovo liberation army leader) are long-standing personal friends of Bernard Kouchner, who supposedly ignored their criminal activities in spite of all the international reports about them.
To complete his government, Nicolas Sarkozy named Christine Lagarde, minister of the Economy and Finances. All her career was made in the United States where she directed the prestigious law firm Baker and McKenzie. At Dick Cheney’s Centre for international and strategic studies, she co-presided with Zbigniew Brzezinski a working group which supervised the privatisations in Poland. She also organized an intense lobbying effort for Lockheed Martin against the French aviation magnate Dassault.
That summer, Nicolas, Cecilia, and their various children went on holidays to the United States at Wolfeboro, not far from the property of President Bush. The bill was paid this time by Robert F. Agostinelli, an Italian-New Yorker investment banker, Zionist, and a pure Neo-Conservative who writes in Commentary, the magazine of the American Jewish Committee.
The success of Nicolas Sarkozy had an impact on his half brother, Pierre Olivier. Under the American name of Oliver, he was named by Frank Carlucci (formerly N°2 of the CIA after having been recruited by Frank Wisner, Sr.) Director of the new investment fund of the Carlyle Group (the common investment firm of the Bush family and Ben Laden). Having become the 5th largest business dealer in the world, he handled the main assets of the sovereign funds of Kuwait and Singapore.
The popularity of President Sarkozy collapsed in the opinion polls. One of his communications advisers, Jacques Séguela (also consultant for political communication at the NED where he is in charge of diverse CIA operations in Western Europe and Latin America), proposed to detract the public’s attention with new “people stories”. The announcement of the divorce with Cecilia was publicised by Libération, the paper belonging to Sarkozy’s friend Edouard de Rothschild, to take precedence over the slogans of demonstrators during a general strike. Better still, the communications agent organized a meeting between the President and the former top model, Carla Bruni. Some days later her liaison with the President became official and the media coverage occluded once again any political criticism. Some weeks later, Nicolas married a third time. He chose as his witnesses Mathilde Agostinelle (the wife of Robert) and Nicolas Bazire, a former cabinet director of Edouard Balladur who became assistant manager at the Rothschild bank.


The information contained in this article was presented by Thierry Meyssan during the final plenary session of the Eurasian Media Forum (Kazakhstan, April 25, 2008) dealing with “Glamour in politics and the politics of glamour”.
The large attention received by this speech led the author to write this article for publication in Profile, currently the main Russian newpaper. It has been published by voltairenet.org, and has been translated and adapted here by Denunciator’s Eye.
Political assassinations are not uncommon in France. The announcing of the so called suicide of former prime minister Pierre Bérégovoy was bothched, and left everyone in no doubt that he had been murdered.
Dr. François Sarkozy, the President’s brother, is a financial adviser to the pharmaceutical industry, and there are serious doubt about his implication in the influenza A/H1N1 scandal which incited the French governement to spend a fortune on vaccinations that were not needed. The flu would have been fabricated in a laboratory and released ‘accidentally on purpose’ with the full knowledge of the World Medical Association (on the pharmaceutical industries payroll, like nearly all medical doctors are.









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